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"A beszélgetni/találkozni-típusú reciprok predikátumok szelekciós megkötései között szerepel egy komitatív összetevő, amely Komlósy (1992, 1994) és Rákosi (2003)22 tesztjei alapján valódi argumentum. Megfigyelték például, hogy ha a komitatív összetevő kölcsönös névmással van kifejezve, csak argumentum lehet, adjunktum nem. (36) a. Péter és Kati beszélgettek egymással. b. *Péter és Kati kocogtak egymással. Rákosi (2003) továbbá arra is rámutatott, hogy akkor lehetséges két predikátum koordinációja, ha mindkettő reciprok, vagy ha egyik sem az. (37) a. Jánossal vagy beszélgetek vagy verekszek. b. Jánossal vagy kocogok vagy úszok. c. ???Jánossal általában vagy beszélgetek vagy futok. "
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<div class="Citation short-list"> <div class="publication Publication">Forrásközlemény: [2177566] Rákosi György et al. Verbal category and nominal function - Evidence from Hungarian subject clauses. (2005) PROCEEDINGS OF THE LFG CONFERENCE 1098-6782 05 353-370 </div> <div class="related Publication" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px">Idéző: <div class="JournalArticle Publication short-list"> <div class="authors"> <span class="author-name" mtid="10049753"> <a href="/gui2/?type=authors&mode=browse&sel=10049753" target="_blank">Szűcs, Péter</a> </span> <span class="author-type"> </span> </div ><div class="title"><a href="/gui2/?mode=browse¶ms=publication;33546767" mtid="33546767" target="_blank">Constructions with propositional proforms</a></div> <div class="pub-info"> <span class="journal-title">PROCEEDINGS OF THE LFG CONFERENCE</span> <span class="journal-volume">The Proceedings of the LFG'22 Conference</span> <span class="page"> pp. 345-364. , 20 p. </span> <span class="year">(2022)</span> </div> <div class="pub-end"><div class="identifier-list"> <span class="identifiers"> </span> </div> <div class="short-pub-prop-list"> <span class="short-pub-mtid"> Közlemény:33546767 </span> <span class="status-holder"><span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span></span> <span class="pub-core">Forrás Idéző </span> <span class="pub-type">Folyóiratcikk (Szakcikk ) </span> <!-- && !record.category.scientific --> <span class="pub-category">Tudományos</span> <div class="publication-citation" style="margin-left: 0.5cm;"> <span title="Nyilvános idézőközlemények összesen, említések nélkül" class="citingPub-count">Nyilvános idéző összesen: 1</span> | Független: 1 | Függő: 0 | Nem jelölt: 0 </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="citation" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px"><i>Kapcsolat: [32408463] <span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span> | <span class="externalCitation-data externalCitation-true"> Független </span> | Magyarországi szerző: Nem vizsgált | Külföldi kiadás: Igen | Említések száma: 1 </i></div> <ol> <li> Oldalszám: p. 352. The standard analysis since Kenesei (1994) has been that the proform az-t ‘that-ACC’ in (33) is an expletive, licensed in the specifier of the CP, and moved to the preverbal position because the clause would have to but cannot go there.7 Alternatively, an adjunction-based analysis like the one outlined in the previous section has also been proposed, as in Rákosi & Laczkó (2005) and Szűcs (2015). Both have problems. Regarding the proform as an expletive is at odds with the fact that Hungarian is a pro-drop language and such languages are not expected to contain expletives cross-linguistically: as the structural subject-position (less importantly, in Hungarian also the object-position) can remain empty, hence is no need for grammatical slot-fillers in such languages. The accusative proform is an object in (33) and oblique version is possible too, if the matrix verb assigns that. These, as already mentioned in footnote 3, are unexpected for expletives (cf. I insist on it that…). </li> </ol> </div>
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<div class="Citation short-list"> <div class="publication Publication">Forrásközlemény: [2176636] Rákosi György. Dative experiencer predicates in Hungarian. (2006) ISBN:109078328169; 9789078328162 </div> <div class="related Publication" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px">Idéző: <div class="JournalArticle Publication short-list"> <div class="authors"> <span class="author-name" > Bergen, Leon </span> <span class="author-type"> </span> ; <span class="author-name" > Gibson, Edward </span> <span class="author-type"> </span> ; <span class="author-name" > O'Donnell, Timothy J. </span> <span class="author-type"> </span> </div ><div class="title"><a href="/gui2/?mode=browse¶ms=publication;33777795" mtid="33777795" target="_blank">Simplicity and learning to distinguish arguments from modifiers</a></div> <div class="pub-info"> <span class="journal-title">JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE MODELLING</span> <span class="journal-volume">10</span> : <span class="journal-issue">2</span> <span class="page"> pp. 241-286. , 46 p. </span> <span class="year">(2022)</span> </div> <div class="pub-end"><div class="identifier-list"> <span class="identifiers"> <span class="id identifier oa_none" title="none"> <a style="color:black" title="10.15398/jlm.v10i2.263" target="_blank" href="https://doi.org/10.15398/jlm.v10i2.263"> DOI </a> </span> <span class="id identifier oa_none" title="none"> <a style="color:black" title="https://jlm.ipipan.waw.pl/index.php/JLM/article/view/263" target="_blank" href="https://jlm.ipipan.waw.pl/index.php/JLM/article/view/263"> Egyéb URL </a> </span> </span> </div> <div class="short-pub-prop-list"> <span class="short-pub-mtid"> Közlemény:33777795 </span> <span class="status-holder"><span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span></span> <span class="pub-core"> Idéző </span> <span class="pub-type">Folyóiratcikk (Szakcikk ) </span> <!-- && !record.category.scientific --> <span class="pub-category">Tudományos</span> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="citation" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px"><i>Kapcsolat: [32735049] <span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span> | <span class="externalCitation-data externalCitation-true"> Független </span> | Magyarországi szerző: Nem | Külföldi kiadás: Igen | Említések száma: 1 </i></div> <ol> <li> Oldalszám: p. 246. By contrast, the types of constituents which have been traditionally identified as modifiers differ in each of these three properties. An unbounded number of modifiers can often be added to a constituent (finiteness vs. iterability); modifiers tend to be optional (obligatoriness vs. optionality); and modifiers often occur in a greater variety of structural relationships with their head (structural fixity vs. structural flexibility). These three dimensions of variation summarize a large number of properties and linguistic tests that have been discussed in the literature (Borsley 1999; Comrie 1993; Creissels 2014; Croft 2001; Forker 2014; Haegeman 1994; Haspelmath 2014; Hornstein and Lightfoot 1981; Koenig et al. 2003; Kroeger 2004; Matthews 1981; Przepiórkowski 1999a,b; Radford 1988; Rákosi 2006; Schütze 1995; Schütze and Gibson 1999; Tallerman 2015; Tutunjian and Boland 2008; Vater 1978; Wichmann 2014; Zwicky 1993). </li> </ol> </div>
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<div class="Citation short-list"> <div class="publication Publication">Forrásközlemény: [2176636] Rákosi György. Dative experiencer predicates in Hungarian. (2006) ISBN:109078328169; 9789078328162 </div> <div class="related Publication" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px">Idéző: <div class="JournalArticle Publication short-list"> <div class="authors"> <span class="author-name" >Mair, Esther Le </span> <span class="author-type"></span> ; <span class="author-name" >Johnson, Cynthia A. </span> <span class="author-type"></span> ; <span class="author-name" >Frotscher, Michael </span> <span class="author-type"></span> ; <span class="author-name" >Eythórsson, Thórhallur </span> <span class="author-type"></span> ; <span class="author-name" >Barðdal, Jóhanna </span> <span class="author-type"></span> </div ><div class="title"><a href="/gui2/?mode=browse¶ms=publication;31203125" mtid="31203125" target="_blank">Position as a behavioral property of subjects</a></div> <div class="pub-info"> <span class="journal-title">INDOGERMANISCHE FORSCHUNGEN</span> <span class="journal-volume">122</span> : <span class="journal-issue">1</span> <span class="page"> pp. 111-142. , 32 p.</span> <span class="year">(2017)</span> </div> <div class="pub-end"><div class="identifier-list"> <span class="identifiers"> <span class="id identifier oa_" title=" "> <a style="color: black" title="10.1515/if-2017-0006" target="_blank" href="https://doi.org/10.1515%2Fif-2017-0006">DOI</a> </span> <span class="id identifier oa_" title=" "> <a style="color: black" title="000412439400006" target="_blank" href="http://gateway.isiknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?&GWVersion=2&SrcAuth=CustomerName&SrcApp=CustomerName&DestLinkType=FullRecord&KeyUT=000412439400006&DestApp=WOS">WoS</a> </span> <span class="id identifier oa_" title=" "> <a style="color: black" title="http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/indo.2017.122.issue-1/if-2017-0006/if-2017-0006.xml" target="_blank" href="http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/indo.2017.122.issue-1/if-2017-0006/if-2017-0006.xml">Egyéb URL</a> </span> </span> </div> <span class="short-pub-prop-list"><span class="short-pub-mtid"> Közlemény:31203125 </span> <span class="status-holder"><span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span></span> <span class="pub-core"> Idéző </span> <span class="pub-type">Folyóiratcikk (Szakcikk ) </span> <span class="citing-count2">Idézett közlemények száma: 1 </span> </span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="citation" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px"><i>Kapcsolat: [28838048] <span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span> | <span class="externalCitation-data externalCitation-true"> Független </span> | Magyarországi szerző: Nem | Külföldi kiadás: Igen | Említések száma: 1 </i></div> <ol> <li> Oldalszám: p. 112 </li> </ol> </div>
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"Let us begin with adjuncts. Rákosi (2006, 2012) argues that there is a wide range of predicates that license thematically marked adjuncts, ADJΘs. Such elements are not arguments, as they are not entailed by the meaning of the predicate. Still, when they are present they can be shown to bear a closer relationship to the predicate than regular adjuncts do, which are fully external to the event denoted by the predicate. An example for this is dative experiencers."
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"(82) a Fontos Jánosnaki [PROi hazamen-ni-e]. important John.DAT home.go-INF-3SG ‘It is important for John to go home.’ b Fontos [Jánosnak hazamennie]. Rákosi (2006b), agreeing with É. Kiss (2002), shows that (82b) is the proper analysis. This is supported by the observation that (82) does not necessarily mean that János (‘John’) judges it to be important to go home, it could someone else’s opinion. This stems from the fact that the dative is not an obligatory dependent of fontos (‘important’). Fontos (and many other predicates with experiencer semantics) are essentially monadic in nature. This is reflected in the bracketing of (82b). However, they may license a dative dependent as a thematic adjunct. The thematic adjunct may then control the embedded subject, but then the infinitival agreement is not possible. So if one wants a construal where it is necessarily János who judges his going home as important, one can only get that with a non-inflecting infinitive (this crucial interpretational difference is mirrored by the translation). Note that János is not an argument, the morphology of such a dependent is not fixed, a PP-alternative with számára (‘for’) is possible (Rákosi 2006b). (83) Fontos Jánosnaki/ Jánosi számára [PROi hazamen-ni-(*e). important John.DAT John for.3SG home.go-INF-3SG ‘John judges it to be important for him to go home.’ Because of this, this class of predicates is not really suitable for investigating finite control constructions in Hungarian. However, there exists a number of predicates which do take a dative constituent as an argument which establishes a control relationship with the infinitival clause. Such predicates are számít (‘matter’), derogál (‘feels derogatory to do’) or nem akaródzik (‘does not feel like’), sikerül (‘succeed’). According to Rákosi (2006b), the datives associated with these predicates are arguments. This for example can be seen from the fact that such datives are not replaceable with számára-PPs (számít/derogál/nem akaródzik Jánosnak/ *János számára). With these, the dative is always a matrix clause element, so the structural representation should always be like along the lines of (82a). This in turn predicts that no inflected infinitive is expected for these predicates under Rákosi’s (2006b) assumptions. On the other hand, since these are subject clauses, anaphoric control is expected for them, since functional identification as a control relation is uniquely associated with the XCOMP grammatical function. So there might be grounds for expecting inflection. It turns out that infinitival inflection is possible with these predicates. Although Rákosi (2006b:219) marks a sentence like (84a) ungrammatical, I do not share this intuition. Also, the examples in (84b-c) are entirely acceptable. (84) a Jánosnak derogál velem mutatkoz-ni-(a). János.DAT feels.derogatory with.me show.up-INF-3SG ‘It feels derogatory for John to show up with me.’ b Jánosnak nem akaródzik hazamen-ni(-e). János.DAT not want.MIDDLE.3SG home.go-INF-3SG ‘John does not feel like going home.’ c Jánosnak sikerült hazamen-ni(-e). János.DAT succeeded home.go-INF-3SG ‘Going home was successful for John.’ It must be added that even Rákosi (2006b:218, footnote 13) admits that if the dative argument is implicit, the sentences are quite acceptable. While such an observation may have some merit to it, I doubt that it would boil down to any fundamental configurational difference. In my view, inflected infinitives like (84) are acceptable, be the controller implicit or explicit." "If Rákosi (2006b) is right in that a proper subject in the complement clause enables the agreement to appear, this might suggest that these subjects are somehow deficient. Note also that in the case of sikerül (‘succeed’) or fontos (‘important’), where the controller is in the dative, the overt infinitival subject also bears this case. There, the possibility to license infinitival agreement is not impaired by the overt subject."
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Technically, the solution does not generalize to sentences like (16) and (17), where it itself is the object, so obviously the clause cannot be another one. It might be argued that in such cases, the clause is a COMP, but it is established since Dalrymple & Lødrup (2000) that a that-clause for verbs like believe and regret is an OBJ. At any rate, without such details worked out, the approach in (22) is to be taken with caution. To me, the older, adjunction-based analysis seems more workable at this point, with the addition that the associated clause should probably be regarded as a thematic adjunct (Rákosi 2006), to motivate the semantic restriction on it (it has to be propositional). Syntactically, the adjunct status of the clause can be supported by the fact that often there is a flexibility in the c-structural realization of this dependent (as opposed to the type to be discussed in the next section). Note that believe without it in (25) would not occur with a clause introduced by when, which is an indication of the independence of the clause from the governing predicate. (26) and (27) are from Alsina & Yang (2019), who also note that there are no restrictions on “the c-structure realization of the propositional complement”.
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I also agree with Berman et al. (1998) when they criticize the referential pronoun plus (appositive) adjunct CP analyses for not capturing formally how the matrix predicate and the clause in its ADJUNCT status can “find each other” semantically in an obligatory fashion through the mediation of the correlative pronoun, see footnote 8 in section 2.3. I believe this would require a rather complex formal apparatus. It would be a better in-between solution to assume that the CP is a thematic adjunct of the correlative pronoun, in the spirit of Rákosi (2006), for instance. It would be more favourable because the semantic link between the matrix predicate and the clause could be captured formally. However, even thematic adjuncts are (a special type of) adjuncts, i.e. optional elements semantically selected by their predicate, and my crucial claim, and my main motivation for a different treatment, is that in this construction the CP is as obligatory as the correlative pronoun. In my new analysis the pronoun selects the clause as its obligatory argument.16 It is important to point out that the (appositive) adjunct, the thematic adjunct and the argument treatments of the clause share a fundamental semantic aspect: in all the three of them there is a (referential) identity relation between the pronoun and the clause. This identity relation must be captured at some level. My claim is that, given the obligatory co-occurrence of the pronoun and the CP, and the untenability of the expletive treatment of the pronoun, the most feasible solution is the 13 It is to be pointed out here that an expletive approach, otherwise implausible for Hungarian, captures this semantic identity in a principled manner. 14 See Berman et al.’s (1998) claim to the same effect about the corresponding German construction. 15 Here we can draw a parallel with English relative clauses. For instance in the noun phrase string my grandmother who was born in London the relative clause can have either a restrictive (defining) use to identify one of the two grandmothers, and it can also have a non-restrictive (non-defining) use when it is obvious to the hearer which grandmother is referred to by the speaker. In the latter case the nature of the clause is appositive, there is a short pause between the noun head and the clause (indicated by a comma in writing) and the clause starts a new intonation phrase. In the former case there is no pause and no new intonation phrase. 16 As I demonstrate in section 3.3, when the CP is not expressed, we are dealing with ellipsis or the anaphoric use of the homophonous distal demonstrative pronoun az ‘that’. 191 assumption of an argumental relation between the two elements of the construction.
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<div class="Citation short-list"> <div class="publication Publication">Forrásközlemény: [2177556] Rákosi György. On the need for a more refined approach to the argument-adjunct distinction: the case of dative experiencers in Hungarian. (2006) PROCEEDINGS OF THE LFG CONFERENCE 1098-6782 06 416-436 </div> <div class="related Publication" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px">Idéző: <div class="JournalArticle Publication short-list"> <div class="authors"> <span class="author-name" mtid="10010254"> <a href="/gui2/?type=authors&mode=browse&sel=10010254" target="_blank">Laczkó, Tibor</a> </span> <span class="author-type"> </span> </div ><div class="title"><a href="/gui2/?mode=browse¶ms=publication;33548393" mtid="33548393" target="_blank">Arguments for argument structure for a Hungarian pronoun in clausal complementation</a></div> <div class="pub-info"> <span class="journal-title">PROCEEDINGS OF THE LFG CONFERENCE</span> <span class="journal-volume">27</span> : <span class="journal-issue">1</span> <span class="page"> pp. 183-202. , 20 p. </span> <span class="year">(2022)</span> </div> <div class="pub-end"><div class="identifier-list"> <span class="identifiers"> </span> </div> <div class="short-pub-prop-list"> <span class="short-pub-mtid"> Közlemény:33548393 </span> <span class="status-holder"><span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span></span> <span class="pub-core">Forrás Idéző </span> <span class="pub-type">Folyóiratcikk (Konferenciaközlemény ) </span> <!-- && !record.category.scientific --> <span class="pub-category">Tudományos</span> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="citation" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px"><i>Kapcsolat: [32408500] <span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span> | <span class="externalCitation-data externalCitation-true"> Független </span> | Magyarországi szerző: Nem vizsgált | Külföldi kiadás: Igen | Említések száma: 1 </i></div> <ol> <li> Oldalszám: p. 191. </li> </ol> </div>
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pp. 307, 317, 324-25.
"Section 5 discusses some previous proposals on how to deal with problematic cases. The section is mainly devoted to the proposals of Arka (2014) and Rákosi (2006, 2012). Finally, section 6 offers some concluding remarks." "Section 3.1 pointed out that some elements seem to display characteristics of both arguments and adjuncts. Section 3.2 showed that argumenthood tests often give unclear results. Such complications are widely acknowledged; see, e.g., Cennamo and Lenci (2019); Moura and Miliorini (2018); Andrason (2018); Ackema (2015); Hole (2015); Williams (2015); Forker (2014); Bosse et al. (2012); Hedberg and DeArmond (2009); Ágel and Fischer (2009); Koenig et al. (2003); Dowty (2003); Vater (1978). Difficulties with the argument-adjunct distinction have also been noted within the LFG literature: Rákosi (2006, 2012); Zaenen and Crouch (2009); Needham and Toivonen (2011); Kifle (2011); Arka (2014); Przepiórkowski (2016)." "Rákosi (2006, 2012) analyzes adjuncts that seem somewhat argument-like. He specifically addresses circumstantial PPs such as instruments and benefactives. He proposes that these PPs are thematic adjuncts: adjuncts that receive a thematic role. He contrasts examples like the following (Rákosi, 2006): (29) a. This appeals to me. THEMATIC ARGUMENT b. This is important to me. THEMATIC ADJUNCT c. To me, this is nice. NON-THEMATIC ADJUNCT According to Rákosi, a participant PP such as to me in (29b) receives thematic specifications labeled with the features [+/-m, +/-c] of Reinhart (2002). The feature [m] indicates mental state and [c] indicates cause change. 324 It seems to me that our proposals are broadly compatible. Rákosi’s theory is based on Reinhart (2002) whose theta system is intended as “the central system of the systems of concepts” (Reinhart, 2002, 229). The features are thus intended to cover conceptual structure, which is relevant for the linguistic system, but the two systems are nevertheless separate. In my view, the proposal sketched here complements Rakosi’s proposal rather than competes with it. Many phrases that Rákosi (2006, 2012) analyzes as thematic adjuncts would be treated here as core conceptual event participants that are not linguistic arguments. For example, that would be the analysis of to me in (29b), while to me in (29a) is an argument, and to me in (29c) is a regular adjunct that is not a core participant. Adopting Reinhart’s system for a fuller understanding of the adjuncts would not in principle contradict my proposal. However, there are cases where my core conceptual event participants that are not linguistic arguments do not align with Rákosi’s thematic adjuncts. For example, recall that some verbs (e.g., cut) require instruments as event participants whereas others merely allow them (e.g., break). Rákosi treats the required instruments as arguments and the allowed instruments as thematic adjuncts. I would treat them all as adjuncts, while recognizing that the required instruments are core event participants conceptually. Also, Rákosi treats comitative with-phrases in a sentence like John cleaned the room with Kate like thematic adjuncts, but this class of phrases does not align with core event participants. The difference seems to boil down to the fact that my proposal assumes that there is a distinction between adjuncts that denote necessary participants of the event/state denoted by the verb and other adjuncts. Rákosi’s proposals does not seem to adopt this distinction."
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<div class="Citation short-list"> <div class="publication Publication">Forrásközlemény: [2177556] Rákosi György. On the need for a more refined approach to the argument-adjunct distinction: the case of dative experiencers in Hungarian. (2006) PROCEEDINGS OF THE LFG CONFERENCE 1098-6782 06 416-436 </div> <div class="related Publication" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px">Idéző: <div class="JournalArticle Publication short-list"> <div class="authors"> <span class="author-name" > Ida, Toivonen </span> <span class="author-type"> </span> </div ><div class="title"><a href="/gui2/?mode=browse¶ms=publication;32808552" mtid="32808552" target="_blank">Arguments and adjuncts across levels</a></div> <div class="pub-info"> <span class="journal-title">PROCEEDINGS OF THE LFG CONFERENCE</span> <span class="journal-volume">Proceedings of the LFG’21 Conference</span> <span class="page"> pp. 306-331. , 26 p. </span> <span class="year">(2021)</span> </div> <div class="pub-end"><div class="identifier-list"> <span class="identifiers"> </span> </div> <div class="short-pub-prop-list"> <span class="short-pub-mtid"> Közlemény:32808552 </span> <span class="status-holder"><span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span></span> <span class="pub-core"> Idéző </span> <span class="pub-type">Folyóiratcikk (Konferenciaközlemény ) </span> <!-- && !record.category.scientific --> <span class="pub-category">Tudományos</span> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="citation" style="margin-top: 6px; margin-left: 20px"><i>Kapcsolat: [31273303] <span class="status-data status-APPROVED"> Nyilvános </span> | <span class="externalCitation-data externalCitation-true"> Független </span> | Magyarországi szerző: Nem | Külföldi kiadás: Igen | Említések száma: 1 </i></div> <ol> <li> Oldalszám: pp. 307, 317, 324-25. </li> </ol> </div>